Mr. Migmar Tsering has been the Secretary (English section) since June 2,
1996.
Monastery Notes: Events Since the
November 2007 Newsletter
Monastery Notes presents a glimpse of the daily life of the monks at
Gomang.
Losar Celebration and Monlam Prayer
Ceremony
Losar Basket
Losar (Lo: Year + Sar: New) the Tibetan New Year was celebrated
with great festivity at Gomang Monastery. The Tibetan New Year is “Year of the
Earth Rat, 2135” according to the Lunar Calendar Celebrations began on
February 7.
In preparation for Losar, the monastery and families in the village make kabtse,
an oil-cooked Losar delicacy of different shapes and sizse. The kabtse are piled
up near the Losar altar, along with sweets and fruits. Small children really
enjoy Losar as they put off fire crackers. Monks wear new robes which they had
kept in their tin boxes for many months. Young monks tae out their small savings
which they had hidden under their pressed clothes to celebrate Losar and buy
some good foods.
On the very first day of the New Year, the monks wake up early, showering
greetings on other monks. Then they visit their respective teachers and go to
the prayer hall and temple to start the fresh year with good fortunes and
blessings.
This year, the annual Monlam Prayer Festival was held at Gaden Monastery.
Monlam is the commemoration of the Buddha’s displaying paranormal feats and
thereby defeating the six “heretics” who had challenged him. The festival
was established by Tsongkhapa (1357-1419), the founder of the Gelugpa Sect, was
immensely popular in Old Tibet. It drew about 20,000 monks to Lhasa from the
three great monasteries of Drepung, Sera and Ganden and attracted throngs of
people from as far away as Amdo and Kham who came to make offerings and receive
blessings from the huge congregation of monks.
Maitreya Buddha
On the sixteenth of the first month of the Lunar Calendar, the sacred statute
of Maitreya Buddha was carried in procession through the streets of Lhasa amidst
great festivity. People sought the statute’s blessing, looking forward to the
age of Maitreya when everyone will be mindful of religion, sincere, honest, and
free from sickness and distress. On the seventeenth day, a cake burning ritual
was typically performed in the afternoon.
Jamyang Gunchoe--Debate Congregation
Debate at Drepung - December 2007
On the eleventh month (December 2007) of the Tibetan Lunar Calendar, Jang
Gunchoe, a debate congregation was organized. Monks from every Gelugpa
monasteries from every where in India participated in this congregation.
Typically, the debate session is held outside, sometime lasting the whole night.
Two monks from one college go to a thamcha in another college, where members
there college will challenge them in debate. It is an exciting event and
overflows with spectators (monks) from all the various colleges. This year, the
ceremony was held at Drepung Monastery.
An Appeal from His Holiness the Dalai Lama
to the Chinese: March 28, 2008
2008-3-28
Today, I extend heartfelt greetings to my Chinese brothers and sisters round
the world, particularly to those in the People's Republic of China. In the light
of the recent developments in Tibet, I would like to share with you my thoughts
concerning relations between the Tibetan and Chinese peoples, and to make a
personal appeal to you all.
I am deeply saddened by the loss of life in the recent tragic events in
Tibet. I am aware that some Chinese have also died. I feel for the victims and
their families and pray for them. The recent unrest has clearly demonstrated the
gravity of the situation in Tibet and the urgent need to seek a peaceful and
mutually beneficial solution through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have
expressed my willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring
about peace and stability.
Chinese brothers and sisters, I assure you I have no desire to seek Tibet's
separation. Nor do I have any wish to drive a wedge between the Tibetan and
Chinese peoples. On the contrary my commitment has always been to find a genuine
solution to the problem of Tibet that ensures the long-term interests of both
Chinese and Tibetans. My primary concern, as I have repeated time and again, is
to ensure the survival of the Tibetan people's distinctive culture, language and
identity. As a simple monk who strives to live his daily life according to
Buddhist precepts, I assure you of the sincerity of my motivation.
I have appealed to the leadership of the PRC to clearly understand my
position and work to resolve these problems by "seeking truth from
facts." I urge the Chinese leadership to exercise wisdom and to initiate a
meaningful dialogue with the Tibetan people. I also appeal to them to make
sincere efforts to contribute to the stability and harmony of the PRC and avoid
creating rifts between the nationalities. The state media's portrayal of the
recent events in Tibet, using deceit and distorted images, could sow the seeds
of racial tension with unpredictable long-term consequences. This is of grave
concern to me. Similarly, despite my repeated support for the Beijing Olympics,
the Chinese authorities, with the intention of creating rift between the Chinese
people and myself, assert that I am trying to sabotage the games. I am
encouraged, however, that several Chinese intellectuals and scholars have also
expressed their strong concern about the Chinese leadership's actions and the
potential for adverse long-term consequences, particularly on relations among
different nationalities.
Since ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbors. In
the two thousand year-old recorded history of our peoples, we have at times
developed friendly relations, even entering into matrimonial alliances, while at
other times we fought each other. However, since Buddhism flourished in China
first before it arrived in Tibet from India, we Tibetans have historically
accorded the Chinese people the respect and affection due to elder Dharma
brothers and sisters. This is something well known to members of the Chinese
community living outside China, some of whom have attended my Buddhist lectures,
as well as pilgrims from mainland China, whom I have had the privilege to meet.
I take heart from these meetings and feel they may contribute to a better
understanding between our two peoples.
The twentieth century witnessed enormous changes in many parts of the world
and Tibet, too, was caught up in this turbulence. Soon after the founding of the
People's Republic of China in 1949, the People's Liberation Army entered Tibet
finally resulting in the 17-Point Agreement concluded between China and Tibet in
May 1951. When I was in Beijing in 1954-55, attending the National People's
Congress, I had the opportunity to meet and develop a personal friendship with
many senior leaders, including Chairman Mao himself. In fact, Chairman Mao gave
me advice on numerous issues, as well as personal assurances with regard to the
future of Tibet. Encouraged by these assurances, and inspired by the dedication
of many of China's revolutionary leaders of the time, I returned to Tibet full
of confidence and optimism. Some Tibetan members of the Communist Party also had
such a hope. After my return to Lhasa, I made every possible effort to seek
genuine autonomy for Tibet within the family of the People's Republic of China (PRC).
I believed that this would best serve the long-term interests of both the
Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Unfortunately, tensions, which began to escalate in Tibet from around 1956,
eventually led to the peaceful uprising of March 10, 1959, in Lhasa and my
eventual escape into exile. Although many positive developments have taken place
in Tibet under the PRC's rule, these developments, as the previous Panchen Lama
pointed out in January 1989, were overshadowed by immense suffering and
extensive destruction. Tibetans were compelled to live in a state of constant
fear, while the Chinese government remained suspicious of them. However, instead
of cultivating enmity towards the Chinese leaders responsible for the ruthless
suppression of the Tibetan people, I prayed for them to become friends, which I
expressed in the following lines in a prayer I composed in 1960, a year after I
arrived in India: "May they attain the wisdom eye discerning right and
wrong, And may they abide in the glory of friendship and love." Many
Tibetans, school children among them, recite these lines in their daily prayers.
In 1974, following serious discussions with my Kashag (cabinet), as well as
the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the then Assembly of the Tibetan People's
Deputies, we decided to find a Middle Way that would seek not to separate Tibet
from China, but would facilitate the peaceful development of Tibet. Although we
had no contact at the time with the PRC - which was in the midst of the Cultural
Revolution - we had already recognized that sooner or later, we would have to
resolve the question of Tibet through negotiations. We also acknowledged that,
at least with regard to modernization and economic development, it would greatly
benefit Tibet if it remained within the PRC.
Although Tibet has a rich and ancient cultural heritage, it is materially
undeveloped. Situated on the roof of the world, Tibet is the source of many of
Asia's major rivers, therefore, protection of the environment on the Tibetan
plateau is of supreme importance. Since our utmost concern is to safeguard
Tibetan Buddhist culture - rooted as it is in the values of universal compassion
- as well as the Tibetan language and the unique Tibetan identity, we have
worked whole-heartedly towards achieving meaningful self-rule for all Tibetans.
The PRC's constitution provides the right for nationalities such as the Tibetans
to do this.
In 1979, the then Chinese paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping assured my personal
emissary that "except for the independence of Tibet, all other questions
can be negotiated." Since we had already formulated our approach to seeking
a solution to the Tibetan issue within the constitution of the PRC, we found
ourselves well placed to respond to this new opportunity. My representatives met
many times with officials of the PRC. Since renewing our contacts in 2002, we
have had six rounds of talks. However, on the fundamental issue, there has been
no concrete result at all. Nevertheless, as I have declared many times, I remain
firmly committed to the Middle Way approach and reiterate here my willingness to
continue to pursue the process of dialogue.
This year the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of
the Olympic Games. I have, from the start, supported Beijing's being awarded the
opportunity to host the Games. My position remains unchanged. China has the
world's largest population, a long history and an extremely rich civilization.
Today, due to her impressive economic progress, she is emerging as a great
power. This is certainly to be welcomed. But China also needs to earn the
respect and esteem of the global community through the establishment of an open
and harmonious society based on the principles of transparency, freedom, and the
rule of law. For example, to this day victims of the Tiananmen Square tragedy
that adversely affected the lives of so many Chinese citizens have received
neither just redress nor any official response. Similarly, when thousands of
ordinary Chinese in rural areas suffer injustice at the hands of exploitative
and corrupt local officials, their legitimate complaints are either ignored or
met with aggression. I express these concerns both as a fellow human being and
as someone who is prepared to consider himself a member of the large family that
is the People's Republic of China. In this respect, I appreciate and support
President Hu Jintao's policy of creating a "harmonious society", but
this can only arise on the basis of mutual trust and an atmosphere of freedom,
including freedom of speech and the rule of law. I strongly believe that if
these values are embraced, many important problems relating to minority
nationalities can be resolved, such as the issue of Tibet, as well as Eastern
Turkistan, and Inner Mongolia, where the native people now constitute only 20%
of a total population of 24 million.
I had hoped President Hu Jintao's recent statement that the stability and
safety of Tibet concerns the stability and safety of the country might herald
the dawning of a new era for the resolution of the problem of Tibet. It is
unfortunate that despite my sincere efforts not to separate Tibet from China,
the leaders of the PRC continue to accuse me of being a "separatist".
Similarly, when Tibetans in Lhasa and many other areas spontaneously protested
to express their deep-rooted resentment, the Chinese authorities immediately
accused me of having orchestrated their demonstrations. I have called for a
thorough investigation by a respected body to look into this allegation.
Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever you may be - with deep concern I
appeal to you to help dispel the misunderstandings between our two communities.
Moreover, I appeal to you to help us find a peaceful, lasting solution to the
problem of Tibet through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and
accommodation. With my prayers,
Dalai Lama
March 28, 2008
Note: translated from the Tibetan original
